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city: issue 25.5-6
founding editor: bob caterrall
editor: city editors
editorial: Ja! Damit Berlin unser Zuhause bleibt! That Berlin will remain our home! حتى تظل برلين بيتنا Berlin evimiz kalsın diye! чтобы берлин оставался нашим домом Aby Berlin pozostał naszym domem!, by anna richter and debbie humphry
Berliners won a major victory and precedent for housing justice on 26 September 2021. There was a clear majority of 57.6% in the referendum initiated by the campaign group Deutsche Wohnen & Co Enteignen (Expropriate Deutsche Wohnen & Co) (2021). Together with the national and local elections, voters in Berlin were asked whether they supported the drafting of a bill to expropriate and socialise housing stock owned by corporate landlords with more than 3000 properties, such as Deutsche Wohnen or Akelius. In 2020, Leilani Farha, the UN’s Special Rapporteur for the Right to Housing, had already accused corporate landlord Akelius of creating a hostile environment for its tenants ‘through severe deterioration of housing conditions, higher rents and increased risk of threat of eviction’ (UNHRC 29 April 2020; see also Gertten 2019). Akelius also explicitly support the deliberate displacement of lower-income households from the city, with Roger Akelius advising Berlin to build a sister city outside the existing perimeter for people with lower incomes as increases in inner city housing prices will be unaffordable for the majority (Tagesspiegel 15 April 2021; see also dwenteignen.de 2021). The demand for expropriation rests on the German constitution’s article 15, which states: ‘Land […] may be transferred to common ownership […] for the purpose of socialisation’. The housing stock in question in the referendum is approximately 240,000 flats, the size of a large city in its own right, so the demanded bill presents a meaningful alternative vision for a more equitable and inclusive kind of housing provision in Berlin. In this editorial, our corresponding editor Anna Richter recounts the morning after the election, and reflects with Debbie Humphry on its implications (see Figure 1).
The morning following the referendum I cycled past a group of people dancing in front of a bakery, complete with a boom-box and champagne. After the long Covid-induced halt to groups and meetings, partying well into the morning was an unusual sight on an otherwise everyday morning in Berlin Neukölln. The partygoers with yellow-purple high viz vests were a handful of the many, many supporters and campaigners of the Deutsche Wohnen & Co. Enteignen campaign. The revellers were celebrating their victory, our victory, against the excessive profits made by corporate landlords at the cost of a poor deal for tenants and pricing so many low and middle-income Berliners out of their city. We knew we had a victory for the transfer of private property into public social use, a reverse of the insistent trends of the past decades driven by the relentless individualist market economy of neoliberalism. We knew it was an important step towards equality. Yet the simultaneously held local elections resulted in a small victory for the Social Democrats who had already announced that they would not implement the referendum. Beyond the dancing, then, we would need to face this ambiguity.
Cycling that morning through Kreuzkölln, Neukölln’s and Kreuzberg’s borderland, there were other small groups still celebrating the victory. Banners hung from many windows and there were campaign stickers on every traffic light. No thought had yet been given to the difficulty of forming a new national government after sixteen years of Angela Merkel, or how the contradictory results in Berlin might impact the non-binding yet still irrevocable demand for the expropriation of corporate landlords and the socialisation of housing. Locally the victory was felt, present and palpable in the streets: there was no doubt that the referendum had been won decisively, in some wards at over 80%. It felt like anything was possible. A feeling that came from a victory shared, won through the dogged work of so many campaigners, their ceaseless presence on the streets over the past months and their many initiatives, messages and symbols that adorned the streets and paved the way for the resounding ‘Yes’ to the Referendum.
editorial
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Abstract
Ja! Damit Berlin unser Zuhause bleibt! That Berlin will remain our home! حتى تظل برلين بيتنا Berlin evimiz kalsın diye! чтобы берлин оставался нашим домом Aby Berlin pozostał naszym domem!
Berliners won a major victory and precedent for housing justice on 26 September 2021. There was a clear majority of 57.6% in the referendum initiated by the campaign group Deutsche Wohnen & Co Enteignen (Expropriate Deutsche Wohnen & Co) (Citation2021). Together with the national and local elections, voters in Berlin were asked whether they supported the drafting of a bill to expropriate and socialise housing stock owned by corporate landlords with more than 3000 properties, such as Deutsche Wohnen or Akelius. In 2020, Leilani Farha, the UN’s Special Rapporteur for the Right to Housing, had already accused corporate landlord Akelius of creating a hostile environment for its tenants ‘through severe deterioration of housing conditions, higher rents and increased risk of threat of eviction’ (UNHRC 29 April Citation2020; see also Gertten Citation2019). Akelius also explicitly support the deliberate displacement of lower-income households from the city, with Roger Akelius advising Berlin to build a sister city outside the existing perimeter for people with lower incomes as increases in inner city housing prices will be unaffordable for the majority (Tagesspiegel 15 April Citation2021; see also dwenteignen.de 2021). The demand for expropriation rests on the German constitution’s article 15, which states: ‘Land […] may be transferred to common ownership […] for the purpose of socialisation’. The housing stock in question in the referendum is approximately 240,000 flats, the size of a large city in its own right, so the demanded bill presents a meaningful alternative vision for a more equitable and inclusive kind of housing provision in Berlin. In this editorial, our corresponding editor Anna Richter recounts the morning after the election, and reflects with Debbie Humphry on its implications
original articles
sexualised advertising and the production of space in the city
keywords: advertising, affect, gender, photography, psychogeography, sexualised space
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Sexualised advertising and the production of space in the city
While the prevalence of advertising in urban space has been broadly critiqued, how the diverse forms of the new media landscape produce affect and space in the city is not well understood. Exploring outdoor advertising that contains sexualised representations of women, this paper considers how certain images produce space and may potentially impact women’s experience of the city. Sexualised and hypersexualised depictions of women in advertising are problematic for many reasons. This is because advertising is not only concerned with selling goods and services but because it also has an ideological function, contributing to the reproduction of inequalities including the potential subjugation of women. This paper goes further to suggest that these types of images contribute to a fluid production of sexualised space when situated in the city, exacerbated at night when many advertisements become illuminated in backlit or digital displays. These effects compound the invisible walls of the city that already influence women’s navigations, mobilities, and rights to the city. Reflecting on and analysing select photographs taken in Norway, this paper offers a provocative exploration of the spatial and temporal effects of sexualised outdoor advertising.
beverley’s story
keywords: gentrification, resistance, survivability, london, autobiography, ethnographic biography
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Beverley’s Story
This article considers the different dimensions of an individual’s attempt to survive gentrification. The focus is on Beverley Robinson, a displacee from the Aylesbury Estate in London, who has experienced the slow violence of gentrification and displacement over an extended period of time. We argue that her ‘survivability’ has been, and indeed continues to be, key in her resistance to gentrification. Few academic studies of gentrification have focused in depth on an individual’s everyday fight for survival in the face of gentrification; this article zooms in on the experience of one displacee. The individual displaced by gentrification, Beverley Robinson, interrogates her own experience, and in so doing she shares her autobiography with us; and this is interlocked, dovetailed, with an ethnographic biography undertaken by Loretta Lees, a scholar-activist who has worked with and fought with her.
chasing the rent gap down on edinburgh’s waterfront
keywords: rent gap, edinburgh, crisis, gentrification
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Chasing the rent gap down on Edinburgh’s waterfront
Despite the affluence of its city centre, Edinburgh’s waterfront remains a largely undeveloped patchwork of ex-industrial docklands. The Waterfront Edinburgh project in the early 2000s was an ambitious attempt to regenerate the former Granton Harbour. This paper takes a long-term view of the fate of that project—from grand potential, through stagnation and crisis, and back again to grand potential—to consider anew the use of the rent gap model in a context where gentrification seems to have failed. Threading together the changing fate of this site reveals the imaginary nature of potential and the limits to the state’s power, whilst reminding us that potential land values can (and must) go down as well as up.
the pit of shame
keywords: affect, shame, basmane-İzmir, spatial politicsn, eoliberal urbanism, marginalized groups
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The Pit of Shame
This article examines the complicated relationship between affect and power in the production of urban space. Focusing on a valuable site in the Basmane neighborhood of İzmir, which is conspicuously named Pit of Shame due to its neglected condition, it analyses the discourses and practices that relate the site to shame. Although the discourse around shame has been largely mobilized by supporters of neoliberal policies to justify profit-generating projects on the site, close examination reveals the emergence of different spatial practices and discursive twists on shame by ethnically and economically marginalized groups that have inhabited the site. Based on the latter, the article aims to contribute to the existing literature on the relationship between space and affect by focusing on alternative mobilizations of shame towards different political ends concerning a specific spatial and historical context. Informed by both recent socio-cultural studies on the relationship between affect and the production of space and psychoanalytical and Deleuzian theories of shame, it shows that how a particular affect is mobilized in relation to a specific space is far more significant than what affect is mobilized.
governing cities as more-than-human entities
keywords: canada, digital ethnography, neoliberal governance, more-than-human geography, smart cities, urban ecology
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Governing cities as more-than-human entities
The field of urban studies has scrutinised digital technologies and their proliferation, but rather little attention has been paid to databases. Furthermore, contributions to date have focused almost exclusively on how digital technologies interface with human populations in cities. By contrast, we draw attention to databases maintained by city governments that contain identifying information about pet dogs and their legal owners in cities. Methodologically, our study merges database ethnography with multi-species ethnography. Conceptually, we contend that “dog data” contribute to orderly conduct in urban space. This orientation to urban governance illustrates “trans-biopolitics,” in the sense of socially-situated and technologically-mediated power relations that operate through multi-species entanglements. As such, this article extends the literature on (neoliberal) urban policing by providing a fine-grained analysis of how emergent forms of social control become palpable. In general terms, the adoption and use of digital technologies by city governments has increased their capacity to enforce rules and regulations. Overall, we find that the more legible dogs and their legal owners become in databases, the more governable both dogs and people become in urban life.
off-cycle
keywords: ecogentrification, waste formation, model sustainable neighbourhood, creative destruction, paris, victoria
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Off-cycle
Comparative case study research in two prototype model sustainable neighbourhoods, Fréquel Fontarabie in Paris (France) and Dockside Green in Victoria (Canada), sheds new light on questions of ecogentrification in urban redevelopment cycles. The two cases are chosen for their superficial similarities, as mutual but independent frontrunners of the international movement to build sustainable neighbourhoods. They are also chosen for contrast value; the notable difference is that Fréquel is state-led and state-certified, dominated by social housing, compared to Dockside which is private sector-led and third party certified, dominated by market housing. The two cases offer certain shared features, including urban design, infrastructure, and amenities associated with green, bourgeois, and participatory democratic values. Beneath the surface, we examine how the redevelopment models pursued cycles of creative destruction of waste and value differently from how this cycle functions under hegemonic neoliberalism. In both cases, new wastes are identified and new values created, that reach beyond economic capital into social, political and ecological territory as well. Confronting the specific dynamics of waste and value formation in different urban contexts offers new means to advance understanding of neighbourhood redevelopment and transformation and how values of solidarity and nature can be advanced off-cycle from the persistent churn of new forms of capital.
commercial gentrification in arnhem and vienna
keywords: commercial gentrification, planetary gentrification, creative entrepreneurship, agencement, framing
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Commercial gentrification in Arnhem and Vienna
Gentrification is produced and manifested in very diverse ways at different locations and scales. As argued earlier in CITY (Loftus, Alex. 2018. “Planetary Concerns.” CITY: Analysis of Urban Trends, Culture, Theory, Policy, Action 22 (1): 88–95), this ‘planetary’ aspect of gentrification should be seen as an abstract ‘point of arrival’, grounded in the analysis of real-concrete practices that highlight the production of differentiation. Our study aims to contribute to this debate by focusing on mechanisms and resistances behind the local enactment of ‘creative-city’ policies. Thus, our two-city study seeks to highlight local differences through the engagement with ideas, framing and practices associated with commercial gentrification. By deploying Callon’s concepts of ‘diagrams’, ‘framing’ and ‘overflowing’, we compare how ideas and practices of commercial revitalisation are enacted, stabilised and resisted in two Western European neighbourhoods—Klarendal in Arnhem, The Netherlands, and Reindorf in Vienna, Austria. The study traces how, through local policy and neighbourhood practices, the circulation and translation of global ‘creative entrepreneurship’ imaginaries result in different framings of the ‘creative entrepreneur’, with the capacity to somewhat abate the negative social implications of ‘creative city’ policies. Yet, while in Reindorf this mutation is based on a broader affinity with a social-market perspective, in Klarendal it merely comes from everyday resistance by entrepreneurs and neighbourhood actors. There is still considerable need, accordingly, for political change at municipal level.
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Housing precarity
This paper puts forward the relevance of the concept of precarity in the investigation of the housing conditions of migrants. With this aim, the article presents an inductive journey, anchored in the analysis of the roots of migrant housing problems in Italy. Specific attention is paid to the connection of causal factors internal to the housing system (e.g. the shortcomings of the public housing system, the marginality of the private rental market, and the spread of illegal renting) with the functioning of public institutions, demonstrating that the housing precarity of migrants in Italy is institutionally constructed, maintained and shaped. Subsequently, the reflection lands on the notion of precarity; use of said term – which is usually confined to the analysis of the labor market − is extended to the field of housing. Four main epistemological dimensions of the concept of precarity are identified and explored: i) the centrality of the political and institutional creation of precarity; ii) the intersection of personal attributes and structural forces, of local and global causes; iii) the understanding of sectoral problems as part and parcel of an ontological condition of risk and uncertainty; iv) the indication of precarity as a potential point of departure for collective political agency, in particular among the disparate groups which − despite being marginalized by neoliberal exploitation − are not represented by traditional working-class organizations. The paper concludes with a note on migrant housing in pandemic times.
urban mobilizations and municipal policies to un-make housing precarity
keywords: urban social movements, housing precarity, barcelona, radical right to housing, municipal policies
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Urban mobilizations and municipal policies to un-make housing precarity
In Spain, the Global Financial Crisis soon became a housing crisis. The Spanish national governments, despite the recognition of the right to an adequate housing by Article 47 of the Spanish Constitution, prioritized the rescue of the financial system and the application of austerity measures contributing to a sharp increase in housing precarity. In Barcelona, the social consequences of the housing crisis overlapped with the long-term effects of urban transformations and the growth of tourism promoted by the so-called ‘Barcelona Model,’ implemented since the end of the seventies. However, Barcelona can be also considered the epicentre of a grassroots response to urban and housing precarity. This response has been promoted by social movements and later, municipal institutions. In this article, starting from the experience of Plataforma Afectados por la Hipoteca - PAH (‘Platform of People Affected by Mortgages’) I consider the strategies used by this social movement since 2009 to respond to housing precarity. Then I look at how between 2015 and 2019 the municipal government led by Barcelona en Comú - BeC faced housing and gentrification-related problems, considering the main strategies adopted in these fields, their impact and limits. Using this twofold analysis, I will argue that, thanks to the strategies, counternarratives, mobilizations and policies developed by social movements, and later the municipal government, Barcelona is becoming a laboratory of possible responses to the housing crisis. Through a rights-based approach, the focus is moving from the needs of markets, profit and economic growth to the needs of those affected by housing precarity.
the right to public space during the covid-19 pandemic
keywords: public space, covid-19, social segregation, austerity urbanism, social reproduction, inequality
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The right to public space during the COVID-19 pandemic
Governmental policies to combat the spread of the novel coronavirus (SARS-CoV-2) have directly and decisively intervened with literally every facet of people’s life transforming the geographies of everyday lives across the Global South and North. In this paper, we explore the shifting relationship of urban dwellers to public space during the COVID-19 pandemic with the aim to unravel the uneven ways lockdown measures and restrictions on movement have impacted the residents of Athens, the capital of Greece. By focusing on the way the relationship of different social groups to public space has been affected by governmental measures, we show how the reconfiguration of the production of urban public space has disproportionately affected people along lines of class, ethnicity and gender. We argue that governmental measures have so far deepened systemic inequality, segregation and social, spatial and environmental injustice in the city and have imposed unprecedented restrictions in people’s democratic rights, consolidating a shift towards a more authoritarian version of neoliberal urbanism. By opposing and challenging the possibility of only dystopian futures that has dominated public discourse and collective imagination within this ongoing global public health crisis, we address a call to radical scholars and activists to start envisaging possibilities for a plural use of space and a new undisciplined, radical politics of coexistence in shared, safe spaces along the lines of a geography of togetherness, care and resistance.
scenes & sounds
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A nostalgic look at bygone urban lifestyles in the TV seriesPretend it’s a city
No abstract available yet for this article.
reviews
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When the past, present and future of cities collide
No abstract available yet for this article.
review forum
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‘Power-difference couplings’ and white supremacy in the Rust Belt
No abstract available yet for this article.
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The durability of deprivation
No abstract available yet for this article.
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A new grand narrative of decline
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Foregrounding racism as a cause of urban decline
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